Squanto

For the 1994 film, see Squanto: A Warrior's Tale.
Squanto

1911 illustration of Tisquantum ("Squanto") teaching the Plymouth colonists to plant maize.
Born 1574 - 1594 ?
Patuxet territory, Wampanoag Confederacy
(now Plymouth Bay, U.S.)
Died November 30, 1622
Chatham, Massachusetts Bay Colony, English America
Nationality Patuxet
Other names Squanto, Squantum, Tisquantum
Known for Helping the pilgrims during their first visit to North America

Tisquantum (ca. 1585 ? - November 30, 1622), variously spelled in 17th century documents and commonly known as Squanto today, was one of the last Patuxet, a tribe of Native Americans who were subordinated to the Wampanoag as part of the Wampanoag tribal confederation.

In 1614, when he was presumably in his 20s or 30s, Squanto was kidnapped by an English explorer and sold in Spain, where he was liberated by monks presumably opposed to the practice of slavery and educated in the Catholic faith.[1] From there he made his way to England, where he resided for some time at the home of an official of the Newfoundland Company, during which time he learned the English language. In 1617 he accompanied an English explorer to Newfoundland. There he met another explorer, Thomas Dermer, who, as a result of Squanto's descriptions, became interested in the commercial possibilities of New England. The two returned to England to seek permission to explore the area. From there in March 1619 Dermer and Squanto took passage on a vessel that had been fitted out for voyage to New England. When Dermer decided to explore the coast on the way to Jamestown, Dermer granted Squanto leave to visit his people. Squanto discovered, however, that they had been decimated by a plague. Rather than continue with the Englishmen, Squanto slipped into the forest and was not seen again by Europeans until his famous encounter with the Mayflower settlement in 1621.

Squanto's chief fame resulted from his efforts to bring about peaceable contact and alliance between the English Separatists who had come to the New World on the Mayflower and the Wampanoag. Owing to his facility with English, Squanto played a key role in the early meetings in March 1621. He soon became attached to the Separatists, whom he assisted in plantings of native vegetables and dealings with other native tribes. As he became more trusted by the Separatists, Squanto engaged in an intrigue evidently designed to incite hostilities between the Separatists and certain Wampanoag. When the Great Sachem of the Wampanoags requested his life, the settlers failed to turn him over, creating a rift between the Separatists and the Wampanoag sachem. In September 1622, as a result of an increasing number of settlers sent from England, severe food shortages arose. Squanto accompanied William Bradford on an expedition to Cape Cod for the purpose of trading with the native inhabitants for food. It was during this expedition that Squanto fell ill and died.

Considerable mythology and legend has surrounded Squanto over time, largely because of early praise by Bradford and owing to the central role that the "Thanksgiving" festival of 1621 plays in American folk history. Bradford's later assessment of Squanto, however, was more realistic and acknowledged the more complicated character of the man.

Name

Seventeenth century documents variously spell Squanto's name as Tisquantum, Tasquantum, Tusquantum, Squanto, Squantum, Tantum and Tantam.[2] The name derives from the Algonquian term for the rage of the Manitou, "the world-suffusing spiritual power at the heart of coastal Indians’ religious beliefs."[3] It is therefore unlikely that it was his birth name rather than one he acquired or assumed later in life, but there is no historical evidence on this point.

Early life and enslavement

Almost nothing is known of Squanto's life before his first contact with Europeans, and even when and how that first encounter took place is subject to contradictory assertions.

The indigenous culture from which Squanto came

"[T]he time and circumstances of Squanto's birth are unknown."[4] But given that first hand descriptions of him written between 1618 and 1622 do not remark on his youth or old age, it has been suggested that a reasonable presumption is that he was in his twenties or thirties when he was forcibly embarked to Spain in 1614,[5] and therefore was born around 1585.

1605 map drawn by Samuel de Champlain of Plymouth Harbor (which he called Port St. Louis). "F" designates native wigwams and cultivated fields. For the rest of the legend, see Pilgrim Hall Museum.

Just before European exploration of New England began at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the seven or eight Algonquin "tribes"[lower-alpha 1] of Southern New England consisted of 13,000 to 45,000 inhabitants, according to traditional historians, to as high as 90,000 based on near contemporary efforts to collect first-hand information, all of which spread thinly along the Atlantic coast from Eastport, Maine to the Southern tip of Connecticut.[lower-alpha 2]

These interrelated societies referred to themselves as Ninnimissinuok, a variation of the Narragansett word Ninnimissinnȗwock, meaning roughly "people" and signifying "familiarity and shared identity."[12] Squanto's tribe, the Patuxet, occupied the coastal area west of Cape Cod Bay. Squanto himself told an English trader that the Patuxet once numbered 2,000.[13] They spoke a dialect of Eastern Algonquian common to peoples as far west as Narragansett Bay.[lower-alpha 3] The various Algonquian dialects of Southern New England were sufficiently similar to allow effective communications.[17] The term patuxet means "at the little falls" and refers to the site of Plymouth, Massachusetts.[18] Politically the Patuxet had been subjugated by the Wampanoags (Pokanoket)[lower-alpha 4] and made part of the so-called Wampanoag confederacy.[21] Since the Patuxet had been decimated by disease before European settlement (see below), there are no written records of Patuxet life by first-hand observers. In such a case reasonable conclusions about a culture's organization and beliefs can be made by reference to other tribes in the same area "which may be expected to share cultural traits."[22] In this case the Southern New England tribes were closely related linguistically (through similar Algonquin languages), politically (by the Wampanoag confederacy), economically (by trade) and ethnically.

Unlike the inhabitants living in northern Maine and Canada where the annual growing season was insufficiently long to reliably produce maize harvests and therefore lived a fairly nomadic existence,[23] the southern New England Algonquins were "rudimentary sedentary cultivators."[24] Although their habitations were relatively mobile, being made of striplings fixed in a circle in the ground with their tops tied by walnut bark (with hole for smoke from central fire inside, covered with mats of reed, hemp and hides,[25] the main migrations of each tribe (including women and children) took place only from winter residence (in warmer forested areas) to summer habitation (near the cornfields) and back again.[lower-alpha 5] Maize and other cultivated vegetables made up a substantial part of the Ninnimissinuok diet. William Wood noted in his 1634 report that "to speake paradoxically, they be great eaters, and yet little meate-men …"[30] Stanford nutritionist M.K. Bennett concluded that 60% of their daily caloric intake came from grain products and only 10% from animal or bird flesh (as opposed to more than 20% in the average diet in mid-twentieth century America).[31] To support their dependence on corn cultivation, the men cleared fields, broke the ground and fertilized the fields with fish and crustaceans,[32] while the women tended to weeding with clam-shell hoes, with assiduity that amazed English settlers.[lower-alpha 6] The proficiency at horticulture allowed the Southern New England natives to accumulate enough surplus for the winter, but also for trade (especially to northern native bands), and as the English settlers repeatedly noted, to relieve their distress for many years where their own harvests proved insufficient.[35]

Socially the groups that made up the Ninnimissinuok were hierarchically stratified and presided over by one (or sometimes two) sachem (ordinarily a male but women could act as sachems when male heirs were absent[36]). Sachems acquired their positions by heredity. The polity of the sachem was called a sontimooonk or sachemship. The members of this polity were those who pledged to defend not only the sachem himself by the institution of the sachem.[37] Colonial writers noted that sachemships themselves could be subjected to a ruler over many sachems, a great sachem or kaeasonimoog, which the Englis writers referred to as "kings."[lower-alpha 7] Sachems held dominion over specific territories marked by geographical identifiers.[lower-alpha 8] The authority of the sachem was absolute within his domain.[44] It was traditional in important matters that the sachem attempt to achieve a consensus.[45] One factor limiting the despotism of sachems was the option, said to have frequently exercise, for a subject to leave a particular sachem and live under a more congenital ruler.[46] The chief functions of the sachem were to allocate land for cultivation,[47] to manage the trade with other sachemships or more distant native societies,[48] to dispense justice (including passing on capital punishment),[49] to collect and store tribute from harvests and hunts in part at least for later redistribution,[50] to aid in trade and for gifts in aid of foreign policy,[51] and making and conducting war.[52] It was on the authority of great sachem Massasoit dispathched Squanto to live among and assist the English settlers in the years 1621 and 1622.[53]

Sachem were advised by "principal men" of the community, called ahtaskoaog, generally called "nobles" by the English. Sachems achieved consensus through the consent of these men, who probably also involved in the selection of of new sachems (among those within the prescribed degree of kinship to the incumbent). One or more "principal men" were almost always present when sachems ceded land, perhaps suggesting that their consent was necessary.[54] In addition, among the Wampanoags (Pokanoket), according to Edward Winslow, there was a class called the pniesesock, which collected the annual tribute to the sachem, led warriors into battle and had a special relationship with one of the gods, Abbomocho (Hobbomock) invoked in powwows for healing powers, a force that the English associated with the devil.[55] Salisbury has suggested that Squanto was a pniesesock.[17] This class may have been something of a praetorian guard equivalent to the "valiant men" described by Roger Williams among the Narragansett, the only other Southern New England society with a permanent military elite.[56]

Fernando Gorges's version of Squanto's European encounter

According to most popular accounts, Captain George Weymouth was exploring the New England coastline for Thomas Arundell and Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton in 1605. He captured Squanto and four others and brought them back to England. Weymouth landed in Plymouth and delivered three of his captives, including Squanto, to Ferdinando Gorges, governor of the fort at Plymouth. Gorges taught Squanto English so that he might serve as an interpreter on future voyages.[57]

Squanto returned to New England in 1614 with an expedition led by Captain John Smith. On his way back to Patuxet, he was abducted by Thomas Hunt, one of Smith's lieutenants. Hunt was planning to sell fish, corn, and captured natives in Málaga, Spain. He transported Squanto and a number of other Native Americans to Spain, where he tried to sell them into slavery for £20 apiece. [58] Franciscan friars discovered what Hunt was attempting, so they took Squanto and the other Native Americans to safety. The Friars instructed them in the Catholic faith.[1]

Squanto persuaded the friars to let him try to return home. He reached London, where he lived with John Slany, a shipbuilder for whom he worked for a few years. Slany taught him more English. He took Squanto to Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland in 1617.[59] To get to New England, Squanto tried to take part in an expedition to that part of the North American east coast, but Thomas Dermer sent him back to London in 1618 to meet Gorges and ask for permission.[60]

In 1619, Squanto finally returned to his homeland aboard John Smith's ship, having joined an exploratory expedition along the New England coast led by Captain Dermer. He soon discovered that the Patuxets and a majority of coastal New England tribes (mostly Wampanoags and Massachusetts) had been decimated the previous year by a plague,[61] possibly smallpox. In 2010, researchers published an article suggesting that this had been an epidemic of leptospirosis.[62]

Interactions with the Plymouth colonists

Abenaki sagamore Samoset was visiting Wampanoag Chief Massasoit, and he introduced Squanto to the Plymouth colonists near the site of his former village.[57] He helped them recover from an extremely hard first winter by teaching them the native method of maize cultivation. He also instructed them to bury fish in the soil to fertilize crops, an ancient Roman agricultural technique common in the Mediterranean and France, which he probably learned while working in southern Europe, or later while working in European settlements in Newfoundland.[63] In 1621, Squanto was the guide and translator for settlers Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslow as they traveled upland on a diplomatic mission to the Wampanoag sachem, known today as Massasoit.

In a subsequent mission for Governor William Bradford that summer, Squanto was captured by Wampanoags while gathering intelligence on the renegade sagamore Corbitant at the village of Nemasket (site of present-day Middleborough, Massachusetts).[64] Myles Standish led a ten-man team of settlers from Plymouth to rescue Squanto if he was alive or, if he had been killed, to avenge him. He was found alive and welcomed back by the Pilgrims at Plymouth, where he continued in his vital role as assistant to the colony.

Squanto worked at building alliances, but Massasoit did not trust him in the tribe's dealings with the settlers (even though Massasoit was the sachem who first appointed Squanto as liaison to the Pilgrims). He assigned Hobomok[65] to watch over Squanto. On his way back from a meeting to repair damaged relations between the Wampanoags and Pilgrims, Squanto fell ill with a fever and began bleeding from the nose. Some historians have speculated that he was poisoned by the Wampanoags because they believed that he had been disloyal to the sachem.[66] Squanto died a few days later in 1622 in Chatham, Massachusetts. He was buried at Burial Hill in Chathamport, at the head of Ryder's Cove. A marker on the front lawn of the Nickerson Genealogical Research Center on Orleans Rd (Route 28) in Chatham explains the area where he is buried. Peace between the Wampanoags and Pilgrims lasted for another fifty years.

Governor William Bradford wrote regarding Squanto's death in Bradford's History of the English Settlement:

Here [Monomoyick Bay] Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at the nose, which the Indians take as a symptom of death, and within a few days he died. He begged the Governor to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishman's God in heaven, and bequeathed several of his things to his English friends, as remembrances. His death was a great loss.

Legacy

His name lives on in place names in Massachusetts' South Shore, most notably in the neighborhood of Squantum, Quincy, Massachusetts.

Film

Notes and references

Notes

  1. ↑ "Tribe" generally refers to one of the stages of social organization described by Elman Service in his 1962 theory of political evolution of societies. As applied to the societies in Southern New England the term "merely lumps together those societies that are neither bands nor states." While the social organizations were realities in Native identity, "the imprecise concept of 'tribe' has less utility for interpreting Native cultures of five hundred years ago."[6]
  2. ↑ The lower range is by Bennett based on estimates by historians from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries.[7] The higher estimate is from the efforts of Daniel Gookin, Superintendent of the Indians of Massachusetts Bay (1656-1687), who interviewed old natives in 1675. He divided the southern New England Indians into five "nations" (or confederations of smaller societies): Pequots, Narragansitts, Pawkunnawkuts, Massachsetts and Pawtukets, and determined that these nations supported about 18,000 "fighting men" before the arrival of the English settlers.[8] Assuming four dependents per warrior, the "five nations" would have had 72,000 inhabitants. But even Gookin's calculations might be conservative.[9] Moreover, there were 3,000 Wampanoags on Martha's Vineyard and 1,500 on Block Island.[10] Most modern historians, therefore, accept the higher population figure.[11]
  3. ↑ The languages of Southern New England are known today as: Western Abenaki, Massachusett, Loup A and Loup B, Narragansett, Mohegan-Pequot and Quiripi-Unquachog.[14] The languages were spoken south of the Saco River including eastern Long Island. These languages descended from a Proto-Eastern Algonquian language (which broke off from Proto-Algonquian about 2,000 years ago[15]), concentrated in southeastern New England, From this nucleus Eastern Algonquian languages spread southward by language replacement and northward by migration. Many seventeenth century writers state that numerous people in the coastal areas of Southern New England were fluent in two or more of these languages.[16]
  4. ↑ Wampanoags as an ethnonym was first applied to later descendants of the Pokanokets and was not used by them to describe themselves. It seems to have been derived from a Delaware term for "easterner" and picked up by Dutch explorers who applied the term Wapanoos to natives living near Narragansett Bay. By contrast John Smith, who visited the area in 1614, identified the Pakanokicks in association with Massasoyts, presumably kin of the Wampanoag chief sachem Massassoit, who would become allied with the Plymouth settlers (see below).[19] Later Pokanoket was applied to all the territory and peoples presided over by Massasoit.[20]
  5. ↑ So concluded Bennett,[26] chiefly based on the writing of Roger Williams, who wrote: "their great remove is from their Summer fields to warme and thicke woodie bottomes where they winter…"[27] Thomas Morton also noted annual (if not more) changes of habitation: "They use not to winter and summer in the same place, for that would be reason to make the fuell scarece; but, after the manner of the Gentry of civilized nations, remove for their pleasures…"[28] Morton suggested that they removed to hunt, fish or or even for "Revelles." Williams, however, said that other than the removal of the entire village from winter and summer habitations, individual families or even the whole might move: to avoid flea infestations, to tend to multiple corn plots, when there was a death in the household, and in response to hostilities."[29] In any event these descriptions, and others, suggest the life of relatively sedentary horticulturists.
  6. ↑ William Wood wrote of the women's work in tending to corn: "wherein they exceede our English husband-men, keeping it so cleare with their Clamme shell-hooes, as if it were a garden rather than a corne-field, not suffering a choaking weede to advance his audacious head above their infant corne, or an undermining worme to spoile his spumes."[33] So regular was their diligence that when a field spouted weeds the English believed the natives were neglecting cultivation to prepare for war.[34]
  7. ↑ Gookin in the passage quoted above[8] by dividing the native population into five "Nations" with subordinated groups recognized the distinction between sachem and "great sachem." Edward Winslow described the nature of a great sachem, which he called a "King" as follows:
    Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage unto them, neither may they warre without their knowledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serveth. Of these sort is Massassowat our friend, and ‘‘Conanacus of Nanohigganset our supposed enemy."[38]
    Wood also described great sachems: "A King of large Dominions hath his Viceroyes, or inferiour Kings under him, to agitate his State-affaires, and keepe his Subjects in good decorum. Other Officers there be, but how to distinguish them by name is some-thing difficult … ."[39] Massassoit, as Winslow pointed out, was such a great sachem or kaeasonimoog as his Wampanoags (Pokanoket) presided over other sachemships, including Squanto's Patuxet.[40]
  8. ↑ Roger Williams noted that "The Natives are very exact and punctual in the bounds of their Lands, belonging to this or that Prince or People, (even to a River, Brooke) &c."[41] Winslow wrote that sachems were jealous of their domain: "Every Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limites of his own Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance … . The great Sachims or Kings, know their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest."[42]Boundaries were well known and defined by drainage basins, streams, hills or other notable features. Even a casual trespass, such as encroachment on a deer park was grounds for hostility and even death.[43]

References

  1. 1 2 Gorges, Sir Ferdinand. "A Briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England", Baxter 1890, I: 203-40 (1622)
  2. ↑ Kinnicut 1915, pp. 110-12.
  3. ↑ Mann 2005.
  4. ↑ Salisbury 1989, pp. 228.
  5. ↑ Salisbury 1989, pp. 228-29.
  6. ↑ Bragdon 1996, p. 42.
  7. ↑ Bennett 1955, p. 370.
  8. 1 2 Gookin 1806, pp. 147-49.
  9. ↑ See Jennings 1976, p. 26 n.33.
  10. ↑ Jennings 1976, pp. 26-27.
  11. ↑ Bragdon 1996, p. 25; Snow & Lanphear 1988.
  12. ↑ Bragdon 1996, p. i.
  13. ↑ Letter of Emmanuel Altham to his brother Sir Edward Altham, September 1623, in James 1963, p. 29. A copy of the letter is also reproduced online by MayflowerHistory.com.
  14. ↑ Goddard 1978, pp. passim.
  15. ↑ Goddard 1978, p. 70.
  16. ↑ Bragdon 1996, pp. 28-29, 34.
  17. 1 2 Salisbury 1989, p. 229.
  18. ↑ Adolf 1964, p. 257 n.1.
  19. ↑ Smith 1907, p. II:12.
  20. ↑ Salwen 1978, pp. 174-75.
  21. ↑ Morison 1956, pp. 69-74.
  22. ↑ Axtell 1978, p. 119.
  23. ↑ Bennett 1955, pp. 370-71.
  24. ↑ Bennett 1955, pp. 374-75.
  25. ↑ Morton 1637 in Adams 1883, pp. 134–35
  26. ↑ Bennett 1955, p. 375.
  27. ↑ Williams 1643, p. 47.
  28. ↑ Morton 1637, p. 138.
  29. ↑ Williams 1643, p. 46.
  30. ↑ Wood 1634, p. 76.
  31. ↑ Bennett 1955, p. 392.
  32. ↑ Russell 1980, pp. 166-67, 169.
  33. ↑ Wood 1634, p. 106.
  34. ↑ Jennings 1976, p. 63.
  35. ↑ Jennings 1976, pp. 65-67.
  36. ↑ Jennings 1976, p. 112.
  37. ↑ Bragdon 1996, pp. 140-41.
  38. ↑ Winslow 1624, p. 56.
  39. ↑ Wood 1634, p. 90.
  40. ↑ See Bragdon 1996, p. 141.
  41. ↑ Williams 1643, p. 93.
  42. ↑ Winslow 1924, p. 57 reprinted at Young 1841, pp. 361-62.
  43. ↑ Russell 1980, p. 21.
  44. ↑ Wood 1634, p. 89.
  45. ↑ Williams 1643, p. 134.
  46. ↑ Gookin 1806, p. 154.
  47. ↑ Winslow 1924, p. 57 reprinted at Youmg 1841, p. 361.
  48. ↑ Bragdon 1996, p. 146.
  49. ↑ Winslow 1624, pp. 59-60 reprinted at Young 1841, p. 364-65; Wood 1634, p. 90; Williams 1643, p. 136.
  50. ↑ Winslow 1624, pp. 57-58 reprinted at Young 1841, pp. 362-63; Jennings 1976, p. 113.
  51. ↑ Bragdon 1996, pp. 145, 147–48; Salisbury 1982, p. 47: Jennings 1976, p. 113.
  52. ↑ Williams1643, pp. 178–79; Brigdon 1996, pp. 148–50.
  53. ↑ Brandon 1996, p. 151; Humins 1987, pp. 58–59; Salisbury 1982.
  54. ↑ 1996, p. 142.
  55. ↑ Bragdon & 1996 pp143, 188-90, 201-02.
  56. ↑ Bragdon 1996, p. 143.
  57. 1 2 Profile: "Squanto", Biography.com; accessed November 26, 2014.
  58. ↑ Winslow, Edward; Bradford, William. Caleb Johnson, ed. "Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, 1622, Part I". The Plymouth Colony Archive Project. Retrieved 2008-11-25. (Uses modern spelling.)
  59. ↑ Mann, Charles. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, New York: Random House, 2005.
  60. ↑ Kinnicutt, L.N. (1914–1915). "Plymouth settlement and Tisquantum". Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. XLVIII: 103–18.
  61. ↑ Alan Axlerod, Little-known Wars of Great and Lasting Impact, p. 101, Fair Winds Press; 1st edition (October 1, 2009); ISBN 1592333753; ASIN: B005UVWT94
  62. ↑ Marr, J.S.; Cathey, J.T. (2010). "New hypothesis for cause of an epidemic among Native Americans, New England, 1616–1619". Emerg Infect Dis. 16 (2): 281–6. doi:10.3201/eid1602.090276. PMC 2957993Freely accessible. PMID 20113559.
  63. ↑ Ceci, Lynn. "Fish fertilizer: a native North American practice?." Science 188.4183 (1975): 26-30.
  64. ↑ Weston, Thomas. History of the Town of Middleboro Massachusetts 1669–1905, Boston/New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1906.
  65. ↑ This name may have been a pseudonym, as it meant "mischievous."
  66. ↑ Philbrick, Nathaniel. Mayflower: A Story of Courage, Community, and War. Penguin Books (paperback, April 24, 2007); ISBN 0143111973; ISBN 978-0143111979.

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  • Shuffleton, Frank (March 1976). "Indian Devils and Pilgrim Fathers: Squanto, Hobomok, and the English Conception of Indian Religion". New England Quarterly. 49 (1): 1108–16. Retrieved November 22, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Snow, Dear R.; Lanphear, Kim M. (Winter 1988). "European Contact and Indian Depopulation in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics". Ethnohistory. 35 (1): 15–33. Retrieved November 29, 2016 – via JSTOR. (subscription required (help)). 
  • Young, Alexander, ed. (1841). Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602-1625. Boston: C. C. Little and J. Brown. LCCN 01012110.  Da Capo published a facsimlie reprinting of this volume in 1971.

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